Seal of Ḫattušili III

Ḫattušili's seizure of the throne sowed the seeds of the end of the Hittite Empire. But even in its slow demise the empire would remain a great power for a further two generations. In fact, it would see its greatest material splendour under the reign of Ḫattušili's son. How, then, can we speak of the the destruction of the empire at this early date? After all, Ḫattušili was hardly the first member of the Great Family to usurp the throne. What was so unique about his coup?

A comparison with the coups of earlier rulers will reveal an extremely important difference: armies. Without any known exceptions, previous usurpers came to the throne through assassination, not civil war. The reason for this was fairly straight forward. Until the empire, armies were led by generals who were appointed by the king on a campaign-by-campaign basis. Therefore a general had little opportunity to build up a power base against his sovreign.

The vassal treaty system would ultimately undermine this system. Šuppiluliuma I introduced the widespread use of the treaty to control vassal kings. His reasons were undoubtedly sound. He made treaties with kings of distant lands which he could not reasonably incorporate into the closely controlled provincial system. But, from the very beginning, this system demonstrated a dismal record for maintaining a vassal's loyalty. Even worse, as we have seen, this system was internalized by Muwattalli II when he created the kingdom of Ḫakpiš for Ḫattušili. This may have meant a reduction in imperial expenditure on this deeply troubled region, but it also meant that there was now an army whose loyalty was centered around the vassal king, rather than upon the Great King. Whether or not he realized it, Muršili III undoubtedly had the right idea when he tried to eliminate this threat to his authority. In the end, however, Muršili proved unable to undo the damage done by his father. Ḫattušili used the army of Ḫakpiš to defeat the imperial army and seize the imperial throne.

Ḫattušili, however, does not seem to have been aware of the threat that his own actions were evidence for. For, as will be seen, the internalization of the treaty system would continue under his reign. For the moment, however, all he sought was to return the empire to the old status quo as it was under his brother's reign.

In this vein, the family of Ḫattušili's old benefactor Mittanna-muwa was rewarded handsomely for its long-time support. Mittanna-muwa himself appears to have grown far too old to play any sort of active role in the government, but he had many sons whom Ḫattušili did not forget. Aliḫḫešni became a ḫalipe-functionary, the role of which is unclear. Walwa-ziti ("Lion-man") received his father's old position as Chief of the Scribes. Two other sons, Adduwa and ŠEŠ-ZI (reading uncertain) were also rewarded by Ḫattušili. All of these sons swore an oath of loyalty and support to Ḫattušili, Pudu-Ḫepa, and their descendents, in return for which Ḫattušili and Pudu-Ḫepa swore that the welfare and positions of the descendents of Mittanna-muwa would be perpetually maintained.

Another man to benefit was Ura-Tarḫunta who, as we saw, had sided with Ḫattušili against his own father, Kantuzzili. For this support, Ura-Tarḫunta's house was exempted from taxation for his own lifetime and down through the generations as well. It was further stipulated that, even if some descendant of his should commit a crime which should cause his estate to be seized, it could only be given to another of Ura-Tarḫunta's descendents.

An Official Version of History

While assassination may have once been common among the royal family, it seems to have gradually grown less and less acceptable. The last known assassination was that of Tudḫaliya the Younger, the designated heir of Tudḫaliya III. The last known Great King to fall at the hands of one of his subjects was Muwattalli I, who had been killed over one hundred and fifty years before Ḫattušili seized the throne. So there was no current tradition of regicide in Ḫatti, and moreover, the Great King seems to have taken on greater religious sanctity in the interim. This, along with his family ties and his obvious desire to appear magnanimous in victory, may have been what stayed Ḫattušili's hand in his treatment of his captive nephew. Instead of execution, Ḫattušili followed the long standing Hittite practice of banishment. Muršili was given fortified towns on the edge of the empire - in the land of Nuḫašše - to rule over.

Having removed his nephew far from the presence of the imperial city, Ḫattušili launched a vigorous propaganda campaign wherein he established the official justification for his revolt and for his usurpation of the throne. The first of the propaganda texts was probably the loyalty oath which the Men of Ḫatti were required to swear to the new Great King and, after his reign, to one of his descendents by Pudu-Ḫepa (KUB 21.37). In this oath they were specifically forbidden to seek after Muršili or his sons for kingship.

This text also introduces all the elements of Ḫattušili's version of events that would reappear in his other texts. Speaking to the men of Ḫatti, he accuses,

"Urḫi-Teššup attacked me, and [you] attacked me, and you humiliated me. So I was hostile towards you. He who sided with me, and he who sided with Urḫi-Teššup, [I conquered^? them (all).] And I reunited the people - I did not harm anyone." (KUB 21.37, Archi (1971) 203ff.)

Other official elements appear: how Ḫattušili took up Muršili when Muwattalli died and made him Great King, how Ḫattušili was loyal to Muršili, but Muršili broke his word to Ḫattušili and did wrong against him, so that Ḫattušili revolted against this oppression. The judgment of the gods made Ḫattušili victorious. All of these elements would be elaborated upon in other documents.

Ḫattušili would never forgive Muršili, nor his old nemesis, Arma-Tarḫunta. In later years, his son Tudḫaliya reported that his father refused to take part in a ritual which would have healed the estrangement between Ḫattušili and the sons of those men.

Muršili's defeat was the final crushing blow to the house of Arma-Tarḫunta. Half of his estate had been dedicated to Šaušga of Šamuḫa during the reign of Muwattalli II when he had been found guilty of black magic and handed over to Ḫattušili. Now the plans of his son Šippa-ziti had come to ruin, and the remaining half of the family estate was seized and similarly dedicated to Šaušga of Šamuḫa. It is this occassion which inspired Ḫattušili to write his famous Apology, which has been the source of so much of our information about the reigns of Muwattalli II and Muršili III. The Apology is actually the text granting Arma-Tarḫunta's estate to the cult of Šaušga of Šamuḫa. Ḫattušili has simply used the historical introduction, similar to those of vassal treaties, to promote his own version of his life and his conflict with Muršili III. In fact, the historical section was so greatly expanded that the actual grant only covers the final three paragraphs of the document.

According to the Apology, stelas and grain storage facilities were set up in the houses and cities that previously belonged to Arma-Tarḫunta. Šaušga was to be sacrificed to as "Šaušga the Exalted". Ḫattušili further dedicated the Bone House (i.e mausoleum) which he had built. He also installed his son, Tudḫaliya, as the Priest of Šaušga. This may imply that Tudḫaliya became the King of Ḫakpiš in his father's stead. Future generations were forbidden to take away the descendants of Ḫattušili and Pudu-Ḫepa from the service of Šaušga or to covet the cult's possessions. He also freed those future Priests from goods and labor obligations. Finally, he permanently elevated Šaušga's position in the royal cult by requiring his descendants who would later sit on the Hittite throne to be reverent towards her.

A Palace Worthy of a Great King¹

Plan of the 13th Century B.C. Hittite Citadel (T. Büyükkale) at Ḫattuša (Jürgen Seeher, Hattusha Guide; A Day in the Hittite Capital, 2. Revised Edition, 2002)

At least part of the palace on Büyükkale had been destroyed during Ḫattušili's struggle for the throne. Now that he was in possession of the capital as Great King, he took advantage of the opportunity and completely rebuilt the citadel plateau. On the east and west sides of the peak, which his grandfather Šuppiluliuma I had enlarged by means of man-made terraces, he built new terraces even further down the slopes of the hill (11). To the south, he did away with the last of the domestic buildings and now used the entire area for his palatial buildings.

The entrance to the citadel in the southwest corner of the plateau seems to have been the most important. There were three gateways at this corner. On the western edge of this corner, a gate and a long, narrow ramp led down through the citadel wall to the Lower City (17). There was a spring at the base of the hill near this gate, which probably served as the citadel's source of water, as there isn't any in the citadel itself. Where the citadel wall met with the city wall, there were two gates: One gate opened from the Lower City to the exterior of the city wall (18), and the other, immediately to its east, opened from the citadel to the exterior of the city wall (2). Ramps led down to the lower level of the plain (1).

This juncture seems to have served as the main entrence to the citadel , and when one entered into the citadel from this corner from either the Lower City or from outside the city walls one found himself in the Citadel Entrance Court (3), which had an irregularly trapezoidal shape. When you faced north, you faced a long, flat wall, which was actually the outside wall of the Southwest Hall. The hall was pierced by a main gate (4), which a walkway paved with red marble slabs led up to. If you went around this building's western corner, you would wind up in a sort of "service" area which ran all along the back side of the palatial buildings. To the east, a door blocked access to a long paved corridor which eventually opened up at a rather important looking water basin (16) which filled most of a courtyard surrounded by four buildings. Ritual objects have been discovered in this water basin, so at least one of the functions of this pool was religious.

If you passed through the main gate in the Southwest Hall, you would find yourself in a large courtyard known as the Lower Court (5). This was surrounded by about half a dozen buildings of varying size. On the east side, two of these buildings opened up on their opposite side to the water basin. The building in the northwestern corner of this courtyard seems to have been some sort of storage facility (H). Two buildings adjacent to this (B, C) may have been shrines. Building C had a deep (2.3m) pool in its center, in which various ceramic vessels , believed to be votive offerings, have been discovered. The pool may have been open to the sky. Since these buildings were accessed from either the western service area or the Lower Court, and since this was the furthest court from the royal apartments, the Lower Court was probably an area for lower level court functionaries. One possibility is that the royal guard ("Golden Spear Men") resided here as well. On the northern face of the Lower Court was a gate (8) which led to a corridor which in turn led to the storage building and the service area. Next to that jutted out the Gate Building. By passing through this building (7), you found yourself standing in the Central Court (9).

Hypothetical reconstruction of the Hittite royal Audience Hall, located on the upper floor of "Building D". (U. Berlin after R. Naumann, from Jürgen Seeher, Hattusha Guide; A Day in the Hittite Capital, 2. Revised Edition, 2002)

Here were the Audience Hall building on the west (Building D) and various other buildings whose remains are unfortunately very scanty. In addition to the Audience Hall, a significant cache of sealings were found in Building D. It seems that one of these (Building A) may have served as the royal archives, and at least some of these buildings served as stables. The courtyard with the water basin could be accessed from the southeastern corner of this court (14). Next to this was a large gate (15) with a broad ramp leading down and out of the city walls. An archive of tablets was discovered in Building K by this gate. It has been conjectured that chariots could have used this gate. All in all, the Middle Court gives the impression of being the place where the Great King could perform his royal duties.

By passing through another gate one entered the Upper Court (13), the private domain of the Great King. It is a smaller, rectangular courtyard with a colannade surrounded by a handful of buildings. Only those on the western side are at all preserved. Buildings E and F are believed to have been the private apartments of the Great King of Ḫatti, with views over the city and across the valley. Building E also contained an archive of tablets. Either grain silos or cisterns seem to have been constructed on part of the eastern side of the courtyard (12).

It is this version of the citadel which is best preserved and which can be seen when you visit the site today.

Trouble in the West

Ḫattušili's seizure of the Hittite throne left the Hittites' vassal kingdoms in an uncertain yet advantageous position. They were sworn to support the legitimate king, and to attack an usurper. If ever a vassal wished to throw off the yoke of Hittite rule, he was now presented with the perfect excuse to do so. But obviously, political realities and personal ambitions determined the actual position taken by each kingdom.

Aḫḫiyawa, Ḫatti's rival for control of western Anatolia, would benefit from the coup more than any other foreign power, as it now found an opportunity to increase its influence in western Anatolia. Its policy seems to have been supremely and rather coldly influenced by its own ambitions. During the civil war, it had officially sided with Muršili, but apparently had failed to actually support him. While Ḫatti's resources were squandered on the war, Aḫḫiyawa could simply watch and wait. Muršili's defeat released Aḫḫiyawa from any friendly obligations towards the Hittite dynasty, and in fact it would have been entirely proper for Aḫḫiyawa to declare war against Ḫatti once Ḫattušili seized the throne. For Aḫḫiyawa, the civil war was win-win, and their subsequent actions reveal that they were not slow to take advantage of the situation.

In the north the land of Wiluša seems to have slipped into the Aḫḫiyawan camp. In the far south the Lukka Lands seem to have fallen into general disorder. As in the north, it was the Aḫḫiyawans who benifitted. The Lukkans transferred their allegiance to a man named Tawagalawa, a brother of the King of Aḫḫiyawa.

Here we find another possible connection with the world of the Homeric epics. It has been proposed, if not proven, that the name Tawagalawa(s) can be transformed into the name Etewokléwēs, i.e. Eteocles, a figure from Homeric tales, the son of Andreus, King of Orchomenos. While trying to directly equate Tawagalawa(s) with Eteocles is probably too much for the evidence to bear, it would not be unreasonable to draw an etymological connection between the two. There are two strong reasons to do so. Where the Greek language has an e-grade in many words, in Luwian we would not be surprised to find it in an a-grade, an argument which could be used to transform Etewokléwēs into Atawoklawas. Further, in the Luwian language, initial a's are frequently dropped, thus further transforming the name into Tawoklawas. From here, only a few more readily available arguments are needed to fully transform the Greek name into the form found in the Hittite document, Tawagalawa(s). But it should be noted that we have no reason to believe that a Hittite scribe hearing Etewokléwēs would ponder the neccessary transformations and then write the name down as Tawagalawa(s). The implication is that the Greek name had undergone this transformation over time, which means that we find ourselves with a Greek prince bearing a Luwian, or at least Luwianized, name. Whether he bore this name as some sort of Lukkan throne name, or whether it was actually his given name, we cannot know at this time.

Under Tawagalawa's auspices, Lukkan warriors began attacking Hittite territory. In fact, Ḫattušili rapidly lost control of the situation, and Lukkan warriors burst into the Ḫulaya River Land. One of the Hittite border districts belonging to this land, that centered on the city of Ḫawaliya, rose in revolt along with the Lukkans at the frontier districts of Nataš, Parḫa (Cl. Perge in Pamphylia), Ḫarḫaššuwanta, and other lands whose names are only poorly preserved. Ḫattušili had now lost not only the Lukka lands, but his entire southern coast west of Kizzuwatna! These rebel lands invaded and conquered Hittite border territories such as Wašuwatta and Ḫarputtawana. It seems that at this time there was little that Ḫattušili could do to stop them.

This weakness, of course, opened the door for even further incursions. Either now or shortly in the future in connection with these raids, the Hittite's old enemy Piyama-radu reappeared and seems to have seen an opportunity to once again further his own interests at the Hittites' expense. Apparently based now out of the the city Millawanda, he began invading Hittite territory. Naturally Ḫattušili sent a messenger to Piyama-radu protesting his behavior. It doesn't seem to have accomplished very much, since someone, presumably Piyama-radu, went on to essentially conquer all of the Ḫulaya River Land, even managing to conquer at least part of the Lower Land and penetrate as far east as the land Naḫita. All of southwestern and south central Anatolia had been lost to Lukkan raiders operating under Aḫḫiyawan auspices. At no other time in history had the Aegean kingdom's influence been felt so far eastward. The Lukkan reach now extended eastward even farther than the Arzawans had penetrated at the beginning of the reign of Šuppiluliuma I!

Ḫattušili desperately needed to take control of the situation. Fortunately, Hittite might proved more formidable than the Aḫḫiyawans anticipated. Ḫattušili marched against the enemy and managed to push them back away from the Lower Land and at least regain control of a part of the Ḫulaya River, although he does not appear to have regained control of the coast. On the west, his borders at this time probably did not include the plain of Pamphylia. But it was a start, and Ḫattušili had other problems that he needed to concern himself with. Faced with the dilemma of how to reassert Hittite authority in the south and southwest while not devoting too much of his resources to the task, he apparently chose a solution that resembled the solution his brother Muwattalli had used to regain control of the northern Kaškan lands. Here in the south Ḫattušili created a vast new kingdom, that of Tarḫuntašša, whose king would have the responsibility of using his own resources in the reconquest of the lost territories. The natural choice for the king of this new kingdom was Ulmi-Teššup, the son of Muwattalli II whom Ḫattušili had raised in his own household since childhood. So Ḫattušili secured a treaty with his nephew which gave a detailed outline of Ulmi-Teššup's borders and responsibilities towards the Great King.

Ulmi-Teššup's borders with respect to the neighboring lands of Pitašša, Ušša, and Ḫatti were fairly well established, but his south and southwestern borders were more fluid, since Ḫattušili had not fully restored Hittite prominence in these regions. So Ulmi-Teššup was expected to expand his dominion in this direction, so that,

"In the direction of the city Šaranduwa, to whatever locality his armed force should reach - that belongs to the land of the Ḫulaya River." (HDT #18B)

Although the course of subsequent events in Tarḫuntašša remains somewhat vague, we do know the ultimate outcome. By the reign of Ḫattušili's successor, the borders of Tarḫuntašša would be pushed south to the Mediterraenean Sea and west to the Kaštaraya River (Cl. Kestros) across from the city of Parḫa (Cl. Perge), deep into the Pamphylian plain, which was itself expected to fall into Hittite hands. Ulmi-Teššup would soon take on a second, non-Hurrian name which he would come to be better known by. Under the name of Kurunta, this son of Muwattalli would acquire prominence in the west which Ḫattušili would seek to use to his own advantage in his dealings with the kingdom of Aḫḫiyawa.

Peace Among the Lands

Having taken the imperial throne, it was now Ḫattušili's task to secure his position in the eyes of Ḫatti's foreign neighbors. In the east Ḫattušili made an effort to normalize relations with the rising power of Assyria. Messengers and goods seem to have passed between the two lands since at least the days of Muwattalli II. But there was the occasional glitch. Muršili III seems to have maintained his father's general antipathy towards Assyria, so when Ḫattušili seized the throne, it's perhaps not surprising that the Assyrian king, probably Adad-nirari I, failed to properly handle Ḫattušili's accsession. Not to mention that Ḫattušili's accession wasn't exactly regular. Either genuinely or strategically insulted by this, Ḫattušili presumed to give the Assyrian an etiquette lesson;

"Did [my brother (Muwattalli)] not send you appropriate gifts of greeting (when you ascended the throne)? But when I assumed kingship, [then] you did not send a messenger to me. It is the custom that when kings assume kingship, the kings, his equals in rank, send him appropriate [gifts of greeting], clothing befitting kingship, and fine [oil] for his anointing. But you did not do this today!" (HDT #24B)

As a result of this social blunder, Ḫattušili detained the Hittite messenger to Assyria and his counterpart, the Assyrian messenger Bēl-qarrād.

Nevertheless, Ḫattušili sought recognition, not war, and so he was not prepared to let the insult endanger his hopes for good relations. In fact he was willing to make some extraordinary concessions. To begin with, he sent out the requests that the Assyrian had already made. He further tried to assuage any fears that the Assyrian ruler might have that his messenger was being ill treated during his detention, and at the same time he managed to put in a plug against Muršili III,

"The messengers whom you regularly sent here in the time of Urḫi-Teššup often experienced [...] aggrevation. Today, in [...], you should [not] say, 'He is certainly experiencing aggravation as at that time.' When he comes (back to Assyria), you shall not need to ask Bēl-qarrād whether I treated him well." (HDT #24B)

If the scholarly textual restorations are correct, then the type of trade highlighted in this letter is interesting. The Assyrian king sought only one thing from his Hittite companion: iron. He requested "good iron", which Ḫattušili claimed was not available from his storehouse in Kizzuwatna because it was "a bad time for making iron". This may imply that iron working, still in its infancy, was a seasonal affair. It has been suggested, on comparison with other cultures, that Hittite iron working was a sort of cottage industry at this time. The Assyrian king had also sent suits of armor to the Hittite emperor, in return for which he expected "blades [of iron]". Again, it was Hittite iron that the Assyrians desired.

More frustrating is the fact that we have no idea of the quantities of goods involved, which, in royal trade, could be either staggering large or just as surprisingly small. How many suits of armor did the Hittite king receive? How many iron blades did the Assyrian receive? Given the scarcity of iron, its value, and the fact that the technique of creating steel had not yet been discovered, we may hestitatingly suggest that this was the trade of prestige goods, to be distributed among the privileged classes, rather than basic equipment for war. After all, relations between the two lands were still in an awkward phase. Ḫattušili still carefully refrained from calling his correspondant "brother". But relations between the two lands were too important to him to disrupt.

This same letter contains other strong evidence of the warming relations between these two distant lands and also how rapidly the Assyrian empire had grown under Adad-nirari's care,

"[The people of] the city of Turira are constantly plundering my land! [They constantly plunder the land of] Kargamiš [on this side] and the land [of Aštata(?)] on that side. The king of Ḫanigalbat keeps writing to me: '[Turira] is mine!' And from there (i.e. Assyria) you(!) keep writing to me, 'Turira is mine, or Turira is yours. It does not belong to the King of Ḫanigalbat!' Do you not know about the matter of Turira? When Turira plunders the land, they keep taking the booty to Turira. My subjects who flee (from my land) also keep going up to Turira. If Turira is yours, smash^? it! But you shall not claim the possessions of my subjects who are dwelling in the city. If Turira is not yours, write to me, so that I may smash^? it. The possessions of your troops who are dwelling in the city shall not be claimed. Why do the people of Turira sniff at^? the gift of me, the Lion?"

The Assryian empire had grown so rapidly that Adad-nirari wasn't even certain whether or not Turira was a part of it! As for Ḫattušili, he was willing to let the Assyrian handle the problem himself, even though Kargamiš, his most important Syrian possession, was being continually attacked!

Relations with Babylonia became even friendlier, although Ḫattušili initially had some problems in this area. Muršili, not content to remain passively on his estates in Nuḫašši, planned to flee to Babylonia. But Ḫattušili discovered his plans and banished him to "the seacoast" (i.e. Cyprus? Helck, JCS 17, 38). Soon after, Ḫattušili was able to establish a relationship of brotherhood and aid with Kadašman-Turgu. One wonders if perhaps it was the King of Babylonia himself who exposed Muršili's plans. The new found brotherhood between these two kings was dramatically confirmed when Ḫattušili's initial relations with Egypt broke down.

Someone who Ḫattušili refers to as "my enemy" escaped to another land and thence into Egypt. This "enemy" was almost certainly the deposed king Muršili III. Ḫattušili wrote to Rameses and demanded the extradition of his enemy, but Rameses refused. The result was inevitable: "[Because of this, I and the King] of Egypt became angry with one another." When Ḫattušili wrote to Kadašman-Turgu about these hostilities, he got a more enthusiastic response than he probably anticipated. The Babylonian king cut off the messenger of the King of Egypt and further promised,

"[If your troops] go against Egypt, then I will go with you. [If] you go [against Egypt, I will send you] such infantry and chariotry as I have available to go." HDT #23 §7

But Hattušili was not prepared for anything other than a cold war with Egypt, and he never called upon the Babylonian king's promised aid. In fact, relations between the two lands were to turn for the better. Eventually, these feelings would blossom into the most famous peace established in the ancient world, where the two mortal enemies, Ḫatti and Egypt, finally resolved their differences in a manner which would ring down the ages to our own day.

Peace in the West

Ḫattušili's efforts at war in the western half of his empire finally stabilized the situation there. Kurunta, as King of Tarḫuntašša, established himself as a ruler of some reputation in the west. The efforts of the Aḫḫiyawans to dominate there seem to have resulted in little success. Ultimately, they came to terms with Ḫattušili, and seem to have largely abandoned all their Anatolian aspirations. The dispute over Wiluša was resolved in Ḫattušili's favor, returning the land of the Trojans once more to the Hittite fold. In the south, Kurunta, acting on behalf of Ḫattušili, helped secure Hittite interests, and even met with the Aḫḫiyawan king in the city of Millawanda, one of the few Anatolian possessions which remained in Aḫḫiyawan hands. Little else did, however, and as the Aḫḫiyawans withdrew, the Lukka lands returned their allegiance to the Hittites. The withdrawal of the Aḫḫiyawans resulted in the scrambling of the local rulers to seek allegiance with the Hittites. Among these rulers was Piyama-radu, who had spent a good portion of his career waging war against the Hittites. Knowledge of his previous crimes against the Hittites seem to have stirred feelings of paranoia in him, and his actions became erratic. At first, like the other Lukkan leaders, he decided to swear allegiance to Ḫattušili. To this end, as Ḫattušili was riding to the Lukka lands in order to assert his authority in the region, he wrote to him in the city Šallapa,

"Take me in servitude! Send the Crown Prince to me. He will bring me to My Sun." (Piyama-radu Letter)

Ḫattušili was willing, and so he sent the Crown Prince to Piyama-radu in the city Millawanda, still under Aḫḫiyawan control under the leadership of Piyama-radu's in-law Atpa, ordering him to ride back with Piyama-radu on a chariot.

But by the time the Crown Prince arrived, Piyama-radu appears to have had second thoughts, and could not bring himself to trust his wellbeing to the Hittites. Further, it turned out that the Crown Prince was nothing more than a boy. Piyama-radu's confidence in Ḫattušili's sincerity evaporated. So, in spite of his earlier request, he now refused to ride into Ḫattušili's presence. It was a humiliation for the Crown Prince, and did little to endear Piyama-radu to Ḫattušili. But Piyama-radu was still willing to subject himself to the Hittites, as long as he could do so in friendly territory. So now he demanded,

"Give the kingship to me here in his (i.e. Atpa's) place! If (you do) not, then I will not come!"

Ḫattušili was still willing to continue negotiations with Piyama-radu, but his journey westward continued. He sought a sign of goodwill from Piyama-radu, and so when he reached the city Wiyanawanda, he wrote to him,

"If you seek my lordship, then because I am about to come to the city Yalanda, let me not find any of your people in the city Yalanda! You must not put anyone in (the city) again! May you not appear(?) in my juris[diction(?)]! I will seek my subjects [myself]."

Piyama-radu agreed, but his word proved untrustworthy. As Ḫattušili approached Yalanda, Piyama-radu's brother Laḫurzi ambushed him in three places. The terrain was difficult, and Ḫattušili had to approach it on foot, but even so he managed to secure victory for himself. Yalanda paid for Laḫurzi's betrayal, and Ḫattušili ravaged it and took control of the city itself. From here he moved on to the city Apawiya, from which he wrote to Piyama-radu in Millawanda, ordering him to come to him.

He also wrote to his new ally, the king of Aḫḫiyawa, protesting Piyama-radu's behavior and asking him whether or not he knew about it. The king's reply was not as friendly as Ḫattušili had wanted, as it included no greeting or gifts, but simply the bare statement by his messenger that,

"He wrote to Mr. Atpa, 'Put Pi[yama-radu] in the hand of the king of Ḫatti.'"

He further gave Ḫattušili permission to bring Piyama-radu into his prescence, on the condition that he would not take him away. Ḫattušili agreed. Having gained the Aḫḫiyawan ruler's permission, Ḫattušili began his journey to the city Millawanda. At each stop along the way, he wrote to Atpa in Millawanda,

"Come! Because my brother wrote to you, 'Go bring him there to the king in Ḫatti!', bring him here! Just as he formerly betrayed(?) my word, he will betray(?) your word! But if he says this, 'I am afraid!' Then I will send one lord, or I will send (my) brother, and that (man) will sit in his place."

But these assurances were still not enough for Piyama-radu. The spectacle of the Crown Prince's journey weighed heavily in his mind, and Atpa wrote to Ḫattušili on his behalf, "Does My Sun give (his) hand to a boy?" It was an added insult to injury, and Ḫattušili indignantly replied,

"[Because] my brother gave [(his) hand to that (man), and [I] later [heard his word,] even if he did very much, I would have left [that (man)] alone [everywhere(?)] in safe passage. I swore it to Mr. [Atpa]. I gave him (my) hand."

Still expecting to resolve the matter, he promised that, if he should come to him, he would resolve all issues, and keep the king of Aḫḫiyawa informed of his comings and goings. Yet it was not enough.

In spite of his growing annoyance, he was still anxious not to offend his new ally, and to keep his dealings with the Aegean king strictly on the up-and-up. So, he came to Millawanda to present his case against Piyama-radu, declaring,

"What words I will say to Piyama-radu, may the subjects and my brother hear them!"

One of these subjects was Tawagalawa, who came to Millawanda to meet with Ḫattušili on this occassion. Atpa also heard Ḫattušili's protests, as did another of Piyama-radu's relations, Awayana. But the presence of the Hittite Great King himself in the city of his refuge was too much for Piyama-radu to bear, and, declaring that he still feared for his life, he boarded a ship and sailed away.

It was all becoming a little too much for Ḫattušili to bear, and his protests to the Aḫḫiyawan king became more strenuous,

"When he says this, 'I feared [a wor]d of killing!', did I not send my son, the Crown Prince, into his prescence? Did I not give him this command, 'Go! Swear to him, take(?) him by the hand, bring him into my presence.' From what word of killing was he afraid? Is bloodshed permitted in the land of Ḫatti? It is not!"

Finally, Ḫattušili wrote directly to the king of Aḫḫiyawa about the matter. The letter took up fully three tablets outlining Piyama-radu's offenses and Ḫattušili's attempts to deal with him fairly. Only the last tablet has been discovered today.

In spite of his growing frustration, Ḫattušili was still anxious to resolve the situation peacefully. Piyama-radu certainly still retained the favor of Atpa, and presumably the king of Aḫḫiyawa still supported him as well. So, in spite of Piyama-radu's growing offenses, Ḫattušili still attempted to bring Piyama-radu to heel through diplomacy. In his letter to the king of Aḫḫiyawa, Ḫattušili highlights the warm relations that now existed between their two lands,

"Moreover, for the sake of my brother [I did nothing] at all. If perhaps he prevails upon my brother, "[I will go] to the King of Ḫatti - may he put me on the road!" then I will promptly send Mr. Dabala-Tarḫunta, the chariot driver. Is Dabala-Tarḫunta not a high ranking person? He, a child, rides with me on the chariot as a chariot driver! He used to ride [on the chariot] with your brother, Tawagalawa! I already [gave] safe passage to Piyama-radu. In Ḫatti, safe passage is (assured) thusly: If they send bread and a seal to someone, then they will not take part in evil (against) him. Beyond the safe passage, I further promised this, 'Come! Make a response! I will put you on the road! When I put you on the road, I will write it to my brother! If your wishes are satisfied, so be it! But if your wishes are not satisfied, then when you came, in that same way my person will bring you back into the land Aḫḫiyawa! If so, or if not, may this chariot driver sit in his place!' While he is coming, and while he is coming back there, because he will hold the chariot driver who is of the family of the queen - and in Ḫatti the family of the queen is very great - is he not actually a brother-in-law to me? May that (man) sit in his place while he is coming (and) while he is coming back!

"Support him, my brother! May your [person] bring him! Further, my brother, send to him (i.e. Piyama-radu) (a guarantee of) safe passage being as follows, 'May you not sin in some way against My Sun again!' I will not turn into [your land] again."

If Piyama-radu failed to make such a promise, then Ḫattušili asked that the king of Aḫḫiyawa at least return the 7,000 civilian captives that Piyama-radu had taken from Ḫatti. Ḫattušili even agreed to establish a sort of panel which, under Aḫḫiyawan auspices, would take testimony from these civilians. Those who claimed they had fled from Ḫatti as fugitives would remain in Aḫḫiyawan territory, while those who had been taken by force would be returned to Ḫatti.

Piyama-radu's activities could not be permitted to continue. Apparently, after he fled from Millawanda, he sought his fortune once again in the north, where he began raiding Hittite territory. This in spite of the peace established between Ḫatti and Aḫḫiyawa. Ḫattušili had difficulty believing that his brother would support such activity,

"He keeps saying this, 'I will go to the far side, into the land Maša and the land Karkiya. Here I will leave alone his (i.e. the king of Aḫḫiyawa) civilian captives, his wife, his children, [and] (his) house.' When he said these (words), wherever he leaves alone the wife, children, and house of my brother in the land, your land singled him out for special attention. But he kept attacking my land! If I hinder it for him, he will come back into your land. Do you, my brother, approve?"

Empire after Hattusili III. The extent and nature of Ahhiyawan settlement in Maša and Karkiša is unknown.

Obviously, Ḫattušili did not expect the king of Aḫḫiyawa to approve. Not shy about telling others what they should do, Ḫattušili suggested that, if Piyama-radu still wanted Ḫattušili as his lord, then his brother should write a letter to Piyama-radu with the following command,

"'Get up [along with your civilian capitives,] you wives, and your children. Sit down in the other place. Wherever hostilities are for the King of Ḫatti, be hostile (against that) other land! May you not be hostile (against) my land! If his desire is in the land of Karkiya (or) the land of Maša, then go there! In what matter of the city Wiluša we, I and the king of Ḫatti, were hostile (against) each other, he persuaded me in that matter. We made peace. [Now(?)] hostilities are not permitted (between) us!' [Write] that to him!"

The ultimate outcome of Ḫattušili's efforts is not, of course, preserved in his letter to the king of Aḫḫiyawa. However, we learn later, from Ḫattušili's son, that Piyama-radu apparently was extradited to Ḫatti. Whether his fate was for the better or the worse, his days of hostility against the Hittites seem to have finally ended.

Eternal Brotherhood

On the 21st day, of the 1st month of the winter season, in the 21st year of his reign (1259 B.C.), Rameses received in his capital city of Pi-Ramesse a distinguished party of visitors. Accompagning his own three Egyptian messengers came three Hittite messengers; the 1st and 2nd messengers of Ḫatti - named Tili-Teššup and Ramose, and the messenger of Kargamiš - named Yapušili. These messengers bore a silver tablet which was the Hittite version of a treaty of eternal brotherhood between the rulers of Ḫatti and the rulers of Egypt. It was the culmination of months of negotiation between the two rulers. Written in the Akkadian rather than the Hittite language, it presented the words of the treaty as if Ḫattušili were himself the speaker. Likewise, Ḫattušili received a version of the treaty written as if Rameses were the speaker.

While treaties were common within the Hittite empire, they were foreign novelties in Egypt. Rameses took a great interest in this strange document, later inscribing the version he received from Ḫattušili on the walls of Karnak and at the Ramesseum in Thebes. The historical section of the treaties are unfortunately meager, and instead the treaties quickly move on to the establishment of brotherhood between the two rulers,

"Behold, Ḫattušili, the Great Prince of Ḫatti, has set himself in a regulation with User-maat-Re Setep-en-Re, the Great Ruler of Egypt, beginning from this day, to cause that good peace and brotherhood occur between us forever, while he is in brotherhood with me and he is at peace with me, and I am in brotherhood with him and I am at peace with him forever." (ANET 199)

The treaty went on to cover topics by now familiar from other treaties. The two Great Kings agreed not to begin hostilities against each other or take anything which belonged to the other. A defensive alliance was set up in which either one of the Great Kings would himself come to the aid of the other, or that he would at least send troops. Interestingly, only Ḫattušili's sons were guaranteed support for when it was their time to come to the throne. Also of great interest are the provisions concerning the extradition of fugitives. In the cuneiform copies from Ḫattuša they appear as one long section of the treaty. But in the Egyptian version they seem to reveal their real significance. After the standard promise to return fugitives to each other's lands, the divine witnesses, curses, and blessings are recorded. These items normally indicate the end of the treaty. But after these items, another section pertaining to the return of fugitives is recorded. And the specifics of this section of the treaty are interesting. It begins with fugitives from Egypt, but the parallel and more historically significant passage from the Hittite perspective reads,

"If men flee from the land of Ḫatti - whether he be one or two or three - and they come to User-maat-Re Setep-en-Re, the Great Ruler of Egypt, let Rameses Meri-Amon, the [Great] Ruler [of Egypt] lay hold [of them and cause] that they be brought to the Great Prince of Ḫatti. The Great Prince of Ḫatti shall not raise their crime against them, and they shall not destroy his house or his wives or his children, and they shall not slay him, and they shall not do injury to his ears, to his eyes, to his mouth, or to his legs, and they shall not raise any crime against him." (ANET 201)

The fact that this was included after the normal conclusion to the treaty makes this seem like a special, last minute addition to the terms. It is generally suspected that there was one particular person in mind when this clause was written - Muršili III, currently residing in Egypt under Rameses' care. Since Muršili had fled to Egypt before the drawing up of the peace treaty, Rameses could hardly honorably agree to send Muršili back to Ḫatti only to be executed, which probably accounts for the extended description of how such a returned fugitive would be treated. Although Muršili might be seen to be excluded from the provisions of the treaty altogether, since his arrival in Egypt predated its formulation, Ḫattušili would nonetheless later use this clause in an effort to get Rameses to send the deposed ruler back to Ḫatti.

The novelty of the treaty also expresses itself in the attention the Egyptians gave to the seals found on the treaty, which they described in detail,

"What is in the middle of the silver tablet, on its obverse: Inlaid figure of the Storm God embracing the figure of the Great Prince of Ḫatti, surrounded by a border inscription as follows, 'Seal of the Storm God, Ruler of Heaven; seal of the treaty made by Ḫattušili (III), Great Prince of Ḫatti, Hero, son of Muršili (II), Great Ruler of Ḫatti, Hero.' What is within the surround of the outline-figure: 'Seal of the Storm God, Ruler of Heaven.'" (Kitchen (1982) 79

It is easy for us to imagine the general look of the treaty. Land donations bore the king's seal in their middle dating back to the Old Kingdom. We have seen seals where the king is embraced by the god beginning with Muwattalli II, although this is the only evidence we have that Ḫattušili continued this practice. This also reveals that seals could be commemorated for specific events, something that we have not known before.

From the Hittite point of view, there is also another extremely significant point. While the obverse contained a seal depicting Ḫattušili in the embrace of the Storm God, the reverse contained a seal depicting Great Queen Pudu-Ḫepa in the embrace of the Sun Goddess of Arinna. Here we see Pudu-Ḫepa prominently taking part in international relations of the highest order. Pudu-Ḫepa, although always officially subordinate to the Great King himself, would prove herself to be the real force behind the throne, as is revealed by the letters that passed between these two courts after the treaty had been made.

Seal of Great Queen Pudu-Ḫepa

Pudu-Ḫepa associated herself to all important documents of state. Even in the letters written to the Egyptian court, there were occasions when one letter was written by Ḫattušili and a matching letter was written by Pudu-Ḫepa. Likewise, both Ḫattušili and Pudu-Ḫepa could receive letters as well. But in truth, the families of both men became involved in this exhuberant good will. Egyptian and Hittite princes would write to their "fathers", Rameses' wife Nefertari wrote to Pudu-Ḫepa, and even the King of Mira wrote to Rameses. Each letter, of course, was accompagnied by sumptuous gifts - jewelry, gold cups, fine garments, linen clothes and bedspreads, and dyed cloaks and tunics. One of the Hittite princes to become involved in these exchanges was Tašmi-Šarruma, who may have been the future Great King Tudḫaliya IV.

But this newfound friendship wasn't quite everything that Ḫattušili seems to have desired. His nephew Muršili remained in Rameses' hands. Ḫattušili seems to have wanted him extradited under the terms of the treaty, but Rameses refused to budge on this point. Rumors about Rameses' intentions seem to have begun circulating. At some point, Kupanta-Kurunta, a true Methuselah who had been the King of Mira and Kuwaliya since the 12th year of Muršili II's reign, wrote to Rameses to confront him about these rumors. Rameses' reply seems to have been sent to the Hittite court, where his reply letter was found. Why a vassal king was corresponding with the pharaoh about affairs of state remains a mystery to us, although at his age Kupanta-Kurunta may have been held in the very highest of regard. There is no mystery, however, in Rameses' reply,

"No, concerning the affair of Urḫi-Teššup, I [have] not [done] that which you wrote me about. Now [...] The good relationship which I, the Great King, King of Egypt, established with the Great King, [King of Ḫatti], my brother, consists of good brotherhood and good peace. The Sun God and [the Storm God gave it] forever." (HDT #22D)

But it was not only Kupanta-Kurunta who had been pressuring Rameses,

"{Ḫattušili} writes to me repeatedly about him as follows: 'Let the Great King, the King of Egypt, have his infantry and [his chariotry] exert themselves, and let him expend his gold, his silver, his horses, his copper, [and his garments] in order to take [Urḫi-Teššup to Ḫatti. He shall not allow him to become strong] and to wage war [against Ḫatti...]" (HDT #22D)

To all of these rumors and demands, Rameses replied, "What have I done? Where would I recognize Urḫi-Teššup (as ruler)?", and offered the stern opinion that, "[The word] which men speak to you is worthless. Do not trust in it!" (HDT #22D). Both Ḫattušili and Kupanta-Kurunta seem to have viewed Rameses' reluctance to return Urḫi-Teššup as a violation of the terms of the treaty, which Rameses vigorously denied, reiterating that he had taken the oath of brotherhood and good relations and that he intended to stand by it.

There was also the issue of Rameses overbearing tone in his letters. The god-king was unaccustomed to having equals, and his haughty words ruffled Ḫattušili's feathers, "Why did you, my brother, write to me as if I were a subject of yours?" (Kitchen (1982) 82). Rameses protested to this as vigorously as he did to the other accusations,

"This word my brother wrote to me, I resent! [...] You have accomplished great things in all lands; you are indeed Great King in the Ḫatti lands; the Sun God and the Storm God have granted you to sit in Ḫatti in the place of your grandfather. Why should I write to you as though to a subject? You must remember that I am your brother! You should speak a gladdening word, 'May you feel good daily!' And instead, you utter these meaningless words, not fit to be a message!" (NBC 3934 rev 13-15. cf. Kitchen (1982) 82, Archi (1971) 209)

In spite of these sensitive subjects, relations between the two courts continued to warm over time. It was just as well for Ḫattušili, since the situation in Babylonia soon deteriorated upon the death of his ally Kadašman-Turgu. After an appropriate mourning period in which Ḫattušili "wept for him like a brother", Ḫattušili dried his tears and fulfilled his treaty obligation, writing to the Babylonians,

"If you do not protect the progeny of my brother in regard to rule, I will become hostile to you. I will come and conquer Babylonia. But if an enemy somehow arises against you, or some matter becomes troublesome for you, write to me so that I can come to your aid." (HDT #23)

But the new king, Kadašman-Enlil II, was only a minor. His vizier, Itti-Marduk-balatu, did not take kindly the Hittite king's interference, and leveled an accusation against Ḫattušili which probably sounded a lot better to Ḫattušili when he had been the one making it,

"You do not write to us like a brother. You pressure us as if we were your subjects."

So relations with Babylonia became strained. It's also around this time that relations with Assyria fell apart, although the particular causes are not known. In all likelihood the problem was caused by disputes over what was left of the once mighty Mitanni. Sometime shortly before the death of Adad-nirari I, Mitanni appears to have freed itself from its Assyrian overlord. Whether this was with Hittite aid is unknown, but this land clearly moved over into the Hittite camp. The bad relations that this caused between the two lands seems to have remained for the rest of Ḫattušili's reign.

Once Kadašman-Enlil of Babylon came of age, Ḫattušili tried to mend the breach between their two lands. He wrote to the Babylonian Great King telling him how he had tried to support him when he was first raised to the throne, and how his actions were misinterpreted by Itti-Marduk-balatu, an "evil man" whom "the gods have caused to live far too long."

He was also concerned about the interruption of messengers from Babylon - a sign of hostility - on account of the Aḫlamu, a people who would one day come to play an important role in Near Eastern history. Ḫattušili could not believe that they were the real reason that messengers no longer came to Ḫatti, "Is the might of your kingdom small, my brother? Or has perhaps Itti-Marduk-balatu spoken unfavorable words before my brother, so that my brother has cut off the messengers?" If the Aḫlamu weren't excuse enough, Kadašman-Enlil stalled further by bringing in the Assyrians, too, "The King of Assyria will not allow my messenger [to enter] his land". Ḫattušili wasn't any more willing to accept that excuse,

"In infantry and chariotry the King of Assyria does not measure up to [the forces] of your land. Indeed your messenger by force [...] What is the King of Assyria who holds back your messenger [while my messengers] cross repeatedly? Does the King of Assyria hold back your messengers so that you, [my brother], cannot cross [to] my [land]?" (HDT #23)

Ḫattušili took several steps in an effort to placate his reluctant ally. He assured him that he had no reason to object to messengers passing back and forth between Babylonia and Egypt. He made arrangements to deal with various legal disputes, one of which involved Bentišina, King of Amurru. He spoke of the death of a Babylonian physician who had come to live in Ḫatti and who had married one of Ḫattušili's own relations. Having heard that Kadašman-Enlil now regularly went out on hunt but not for war, he encouraged the young king to "go and plunder an enemy land in this manner so that I might hear about it." Hattušili never names a specific land against which he wanted the Babylonian to march, but when he encourages Kadašman-Enlil to "go against a land over which you enjoy a three- or fourfold numerical superiority," it sounds suspiciously as if Ḫattušili is hinting at Assyria. The remainder of the letter deals with requests for a sculptor, stallions which are taller than the ones sent by Kadašman-Turgu, particularly foals, since old horses could not survive the harsh winters in Ḫatti, and silver.

All these efforts seem to have eventually paid off. Relations between the two lands were fully normalized, and at some point Ḫattušili sent one of his daughters to Babylonia to marry the Babylonian Great King, and he himself married a Babylonian princess. And what better way to demonstrate friendship and brotherhood could there be? Such a marriage generated great esteem. And if it could work with Babylonia, what about an even more important neighbor?

š A Royal Wedding

Ḫattušili's relations with Egypt continued to become closer and closer. The correspondence between the two kings eventually turned to matters of a marriage between one of Ḫattušili's daughters and Rameses. It was to be a wedding beyond compare. So it was that in the 33rd year of Rameses' reign, Ḫattušili promised Rameses that "greater will be her dowry than that of the daughter of the King of Babylon, and that of the daughter of the King of B[arga(?)] ... This year, I will send my daughter, who will bring servants, cattle, sheep, and horses to the (Hittite border)land of Aya". At Aya Rameses arranged to have a man named Suta, the governor of Kumidi in Apa, receive "these Kaškan slaves, these droves of horses, these flocks and herds which she will bring". From there Suta would escort the bride to Egypt.

But after this, delays occured on the Hittite side. After having made such extravagent promises concerning the size of the princess's dowry, the Hittites had some trouble gathering everything together. This delay pulled out an irritated response from Rameses, to which Pudu-Ḫepa replied with an equally irritated defense. She claimed that a daughter could not be sent at this time because the storehouse of Ḫatti was "a burnt out structure", and that Urḫi-Teššup had given what remained to "the Great God". If Rameses did not believe her, then he could ask Urḫi-Teššup himself, since he was still there in Egypt. Rameses' blatant desire for the Hittite princess's goods did not sit well with Pudu-Ḫepa, either,

"Does my brother not possess anything at all? Only if the Son of the Sun God, the Son of the Storm God, and the Sea have nothing do you have nothing! But, my brother, you would enrich yourself somewhat at my expense! That is worthy neither of renown nor of lordliness!" (HDT #22E)

Bureaucratic snafus had also delayed things until winter came and put everything on hold. Nevertheless, Pudu-Ḫepa promised that the marriage party would move down as far as Kizzuwatna where they would pass the winter. Pudu-Ḫepa herself had plans to visit Amurru, from which she would write to Rameses.

We learn incidentally from another letter from Rameses to Pudu-Ḫepa that Tili-Teššup and Ramose, the 1st and 2nd messengers of Ḫatti who brought the silver treaty tablet to Rameses thirteen years earlier, were still the Hittite messengers to the Egyptian court, where they now carried on the correspondence dealing with the royal marriage and other matters. One of these involved the sons of a man named Mašniyalli, Hittite subjects who were currently residing with Rameses in Egypt. Tili-Teššup was told that these two sons were to return to Ḫatti, but Ramose was not given this message. In fact, no one but Tili-Teššup seems to have been aware of this order. While Rameses was still willing to send back the boys with Tili-Teššup, now it was Tili-Teššup who balked, saying, "No, I will not take them until the tablet of the Great King, the King of Ḫatti, together with the tablet of the Queen, arrives, saying 'Send them!'" So Rameses duly requested that Pudu-Ḫepa send clarifying instructions.

The following spring, in Year 34 of Rameses' reign, Ḫattušili set in motion the marriage procession, writing to Rameses, "Let people come to pour fine oil upon my daughter's head, and may she be brought into the house of the Great King, the King of Egypt!", to which Rameses replied, "Excellent, excellent is this decision about which my brother has written to me... the two great lands will become as one land forever!"

Probably that autumn, the Hittite princess crossed over from Hittite territory into Egyptian territory, perhaps bidding farewell to the Great Queen in Amurru. About February of the the next year (still the same year by ancient reckoning) she arrived at the Egyptian capital where she was duly wedded to Rameses II, Great King of Egypt. Her trip had been a pleasant one, and Rameses was not reluctant to take the credit:

"'How will they manage, those whom I have now sent to Syria, in these days of rain and snow that happen in the winter?' So he offered a great oblation to his father Seth, ... saying, 'The sky is in your hands, the earth is under your feet, whatever happens is what you command - so may you not send rain, icy blast or snow until the marvel you have decreed for me shall reach me!'

"Then his father Seth heeded all that he said, and so the sky was calm and summer days occurred in the winter season. So it was that, with light step and happy heart, his army and officials set out joyfully." (Kitchen (1982) 86)

Their arrival in Egypt heralded a new age of unprecedented peace that echoed out to the petty chiefs of Palestine,

"Behold, as the daughter of the Great Ruler of Ḫatti entered Egypt, the troops, chariotry and officials of His Majesty escorted her, mingling with the troops, chariotry and officials of Ḫatti... They ate and drank together, in unity like brothers - none spurned his fellow, having peace and friendship between them, in the manner of the god himself, Rameses.

"Thus the ruling chiefs of every land that they passed by, they cringed, turning away faint, when they saw all the people of Ḫatti united with the army of the King of Egypt ... (as for Rameses), ... the land of Ḫatti is with him just like the land of Egypt. Why, even the sky is under his thumb and it does whatever he wishes!" (Kitchen (1982) 87)

As usual, humility was nowhere to be seen where Rameses was involved.

Marriage "Stela" of Rameses II. This "stela" at Abu Simbel depicts Ḫattušili on the far right presenting his daughter to Rameses, who rests under a canopy, on the far left, with two deities. (Photograph: Oriental Institute)

Rameses proclaimed the princess's beauty and how he loved her more than anything else, and we may presume that the wedding got off to a happy start. The wedding was even more prominent in Rameses' inscriptions than the earlier treaty, with copies of a special commemorative inscription being carved in Karnak, Elephantine, Aksha, Abu Simbel, and Amara West.

The following year the happy occassion was still strong in Rameses' mind. Another inscription was written to accompagny the marriage inscriptions which spoke of the unprecedented peace that existed between Egypt and Ḫatti. The new queen resided with her husband at Pi-Ramesse where her name was carved on its monuments. But eventually, as she aged, so would her popularity with the pharaoh, until finally she would be sent to reside at the harem by the Fayum garden province, some 120 miles away from Rameses' capital city.

But for now all was goodness and brotherhood. Not only did messengers pass to and fro between the lands, but soon royal personages also began to make the journey. Even Ḫešmi-Šarruma, the later Great King Tudḫaliya IV, travelled to Egypt, choosing to set out, like his sister before him, in the winter months. It seems that even the Hittites were interested in warmer climes during the harsh Anatolian winter. What impression Egypt had on the future king is not known, although it has certainly been speculated about.

The Happy Correspondence

(This situation is not likely to remain. I just wanted to get the passage about Kadesh in here. As I translate the letters and work out a chronology for them of some sort, then I will likely find a better arrangement.)

While relations between Ḫattušili and Rameses continued warmly over time, they did not always agree about everything. It seems that Ḫattušili had come to hear about Rameses' portrayal of the events which took place at Kadesh, and took exception his depiction of them. He brought up his objections to his ally, but Rameses was not about to back down from his own official version of history,

"And further, that which you wrote to me concerning [Ḫatti's war with Egypt;] thusly (you wrote): "Do you not remember the days of the hostility [of Ḫatti?" Thusly you wrote to me.] Now see! That was a war of the god, and he [concerned himself with me, and I] truly [came forth] into the midst of the Hittite enemy, [and I struck down those enemies when the troops] of Muwattalli, King of Ḫatti, [came, along with the many lands who were with him.]" (ÄHK 24 = KBo 1.15 + 19 (+) 22)

Then followed a more detailed recounting of Rameses' version of the battle, which agrees with the events as depicted by the pharaoh in his other works on the subject. Not even for a man who had been a witness to the events would Rameses dilute his propaganda!

A Royal Trip to Egypt

The Egyptian and Hittite rulers seem to have enthusiastically embraced their friendship, particularly Rameses. At some point he even invited Ḫattuš ili to come and visit Egypt so that they could actually meet each other. Ḫattušili's reply was less than enthusiastic, "May my brother write and tell me just what we would do there!" But Rameses was persistant, and he offered to meet Ḫattušili in Canaan, and then to escort him to his capital at Pi-Rameses. A problem (real or feigned) with Ḫattušili's feet delayed the trip, but ultimately Ḫattušili did indeed set out for Egypt, to meet with Rameses. The last time these men had met was in the field of battle, when Ḫattušili was only an officer in the army of Muwattalli II. Now he was Great King, and he met Rameses in peace.

The Desire for Egyptian Know-how

The Hittites seem to have been in constant need of foreign doctors with greater medical know-how than their own. When Kurunta, King of Tarḫuntašša, fell ill, a physician by the name of Pariamaḫu was sent to prepare herbs for him. This was not Pariamaḫu's only trip, and on one occasion two Egyptian doctors returned as he was sent out.

Ḫattušili's faith in the powers of Egyptian physicians was a little excessive. He wrote to Rameses requesting a physician who could enable his sister Maššanuzzi, the Queen of the Šeḫa River land, to bear children. Rameses reply was frank,

"Now I, the King, your brother, know about Matanazzi (sic), my brother's sister. She is said to be fifty or sixty years old! It is not possible to prepare medicines for a woman who has completed fifty or sixty years so that she might still be caused to give birth!" (HDT #22G)

Nonetheless, Rameses duly sent forth a physician, along with his best wishes for success.

Famine Relief from Egypt

Some time after the treaty was concluded, Egypt sent grain to Ḫatti to relieve a famine (CTH #165, see Klengel (1974) 167 w/ n. 13).

Another Marriage

At some point in time Ḫattušili sent a second daughter to Egypt to marry the elderly pharaoh. The so-called "Marriage Stela" shows Ḫattušili himself handing over his daughter to Rameses. We know little about this marriage, only what Rameses put on his inscriptions. The date is unknown, but probably occurred during the forties of Rameses' regnal years.

Close of an Era

The close relations with Egypt probably continued for the rest of Ḫattušili's reign. At some point, the crown prince Tudḫaliya appears to have become some sort of co-regent with his father. Since Tudḫaliya himself had visited Egypt, we may suppose that the friendship and brotherhood created by Ḫattušili continued much the same in his son's reign. But we do not have any of the correspondence, and Egypt largely disappears from the Hittite historical documents. New generations were taking control in both lands, and the novelty of the situation might have simply worn off. In spite of this, there is nothing to indicate that the peace established by these two long-lived rulers was ever broken again.

Relations with the West: Gifts exchanged with Aḫḫiyawa. Arzawa freed itself, probably during the civil war between Ḫattušili III and Muršili III. Fighting in the Lukka-Lands. Šeḫa River Land, after supporting Ḫattušili in the civil war, became a loyal vassal.

Pudu-Ḫepa: Pudu-Ḫepa was the most powerful of the Tawannannas. Royal correspondance was regularly sealed with both her name and Ḫattušili's. She would also seal correspondance with only her name. There is a group of correspondances between Rameses II and her (CTH #158, #164 (Rameses to Pudu-Ḫepa), #160 (Pudu-Ḫepa to Rameses, see translation by SRT)), Rameses II and her together with Ḫattušili III CTH #159 (Rameses II to them both^?), #162 (Rameses II to them)), and Rameses II and Ḫattušili III (CTH #157 (Rameses II to Ḫattušili III)), concerning the wedding arrangements between a Hittite princess and Rameses. There is also a letter from Rameses's wife to Pudu-Ḫepa (CTH #167), and another one which was written by Rameses's mother (CTH #168). The reason for Pudu-Ḫepa's deep involvement in Hittite politics (other than her strong character) might be related to the fact that Ḫattušili often seems to have fallen ill. A prayer made by Pudu-Ḫepa on behalf of her sick husband can be found in ANET, pp. 393f.

Foreign Relations

Amurru: Bente-šina re-installed as king of Amurru.

Arzawa: Mašturi, king of the Šeḫa River Land, became a Hittite vassal. Ḫattušili campaigned in the Lukka Lands.

Kaškans: Still causing difficulties. Ḫattušili campaigned against them for 15 years, while his son, as a general, campaigned against them for at least 12 years (CTH #83, CAH 2.2 p. 260).

Tarḫuntašša: Kurunta, son of Muwatalli II, was installed in Tarḫuntašša (CTH #97) because he had sided with Ḫattušili in his war against Muršili III.

(Contemporary with Šalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I of Assyria (See Peter Machinist (1987)))

Before his accession: He was a Priest of Šaušga of Šamuḫa, who was the tutelary deity of his father.

Ḫattušili seems to have set up a co-regency in which he stepped down from active participation in the government, but did not yield his title. Evidence: KUB 16.32 (see Archi (1971) 211f.) where Tudḫaliya calls himself "My Sun", and says that "the man who did harm" to Urḫi-Teššup and Arma-Tarḫunta "is still living", and "the oath of the father of the king regarding the question of Urḫi-Teššup" is mentioned. Also is KUB 23.13 (See Güterbock, Perspectives #28), in which Tudḫaliya again seems to refer to himself as "Great King" and "My Sun"

This co-regency resulted in a smooth and undisturbed transition from the old king to the new. Many of Ḫattušili's high ranking officers continued to serve in Tudḫaliya's court. Walwa-ziti, son of Mittanna-muwa, continued in his post as Chief of Scribes. Tudḫaliy's brother Ḫuzziya was assigned to the post of Chief of the Royal Bodyguard.

Eagle Peak

The Šeḫa River Land had always held a priviledged position among the Hittite's western kingdoms. Although it had not enjoyed the same liberties as its neighbor, Wiluša, it was much like that land in that it usually capitulated to Hittite interests before any blood actually needed to be spilt. But now it unwisely chose to break the pattern. For reasons which we do not know, Mašturi's kingship in Šeḫa River Land came to an end. The people of Šeḫa River Land decided that, since the Hittites had not conquered them by force of arms, that they could withdraw their submission to the Hittite Great King. Under the leadership of a man named Tarḫuna-radu, this is precisely what they did. Turning away from the Hittite Great King, Tarḫuna-radu instead relied upon his neighbor across the Aegean, the King of Aḫḫiyawa. Tudḫaliya was not about to accept this, and he personally led a campaign against the rebel territory. As he would proudly point out subsequently, not even Ḫattušili had personally gone to Šeḫa River Land. Once again, mutal interests in western Anatolia had led the Hittites and Aḫḫiyawans into a state of war.

For once, the dispute between the two lands seems to have resulted in a clear Hittite victory. It may perhaps be seen as a sign of the decline of the mighty western empire of Aḫḫiyawa. If so, then it would be the last great empire whose decline the Hittites would preside over. Slowly but surely, the Hittites own time was coming. But at this point in time, the Hittites could still reach out to the extreme ends of their empire, and Tarḫuna-radu had to take refuge on a high rock called Eagle Peak. It was not enough to protect him, and the refuge fell to Tudḫaliya. He deported 500 teams of horses and an undoubtedly even greater number of troops. Further, he took Tarḫuna-radu captive, along with his wives and - presumably - other members of his household, and brought him back to the holy city Arinna. Back in Šeḫa River Land, he installed a descendent of Muwa-walwi, father of Manapa-Tarḫunta, in the kingship. He imposed troop obligations upon him, and the Šeḫa River Land remained, for now, within the Hittite sphere.

Tudḫaliya may have been overthrown by Kurunta, his cousin. This may be related to a possible destruction of the Upper City of Ḫattuša by Kurunta, or maybe it was just a fire. He probably founded the Upper City ("Tudḫaliya's Ḫattuša" is referred to in one text), which more than doubled the size of Ḫattuša (See Neve (1989-90 7).

Culture and Society

Model of the citadel at Ḫattuša at its peak. The gate in the lower left led down into the Lower City. The gate by the causeway at the center front of this picture led into the Upper City. The buildings at the front represented the most public aspect of the citadel, becoming increasingly the private domain of the Great King the further back you move in the photo.

The Expansion of Ḫattuša: According to Peter Neve, who excavated at Boğazkale, the entire upper city was founded by Tudḫaliya IV. This means that Ḫattuša reached its maximun extent in the reigns of Tudḫaliya and his immediate successors. At approximately 1 km², the Upper City more than doubled the size of the Hittite capital. Tudḫaliya proceeded to fill the city with temples (Over thirty have been excavated so far). The temples were dedicated to gods of various origins, whether Hurrian or Anatolian. It has been proposed that Tudḫaliya was trying to secure his control over his subjects by bringing their gods into the Hittite capital city, which the presence of the numerous temples suggests. Such a move would surely have been extremely unpopular, and might have led to a successful revolt by Kurunta of Tarḫuntašša which resulted in the destruction of much of the Upper City. The Upper City was immediately rebuilt, but many of the temples were not rebuilt, and the land was given over to secular rather than religious uses.

The Monumental Gates: In the extreme southern point of the Upper City, a monumental gate with a pyramid shaped glacis was built. The gate itself was flanked on both sides, on both the inside and outside, with sphinxes, and is thus called the Sphinx Gate. To the east of the Sphinx Gate is another monumental gate with the image of the god Šarruma carved on the north side of the inside of the gate. When first discovered, this figure was believed to have been a king, and is thus called the King's Gate. Equidistant to the west of the Sphinx Gate as the King's Gate is to the Sphinx Gate stands another monumental Gate. This gate has lions carved on both sides on the outside of the gate, and is thus called the Lion Gate. Neve concludes that it represented a sacrad road whereing the king would exit from the King's Gate, move up to the Sphinx Gate and enter into the city, exit from the Sphinx Gate and then move on to the Lion Gate where he would enter into the city again.

Nişantepe: Peter Neve believes that the placement of these three gates was symbolic, not strategic, and that they all point to the center of the Upper City, where a group of three monumental buildings on a plateau known collectively as Nişantepe is located. Hordes of stamped bullae from the Empire period and eleven land grant documents from the Middle Kingdom have been discovered in this complex of buildings. There is a monumental entrance to the complex, and Neve believes that Nişantepe represents the symbolic heart of the Upper City. There is a badly worn heiroglyphic Luwian inscription of Šuppiluliuma II carved onto a rock next to the complex's entrance.

Südburg: Another monumental building, this one located on top of a large rock directly to the east of Nişantepe. Behind the Südburg is situated an enormous artificial sacred pond, fed by a stream originating within the city walls. Two of the four corners were designed to represent entrances into the underworld. One of these gateways is carved with images of Šuppiluliuma II and the Sungod, and a hieroglyphic inscription relating various military campaigns of a deified Šuppiluliuma II. This was probably done during his reign, since not all of his deeds are listed. Perhaps the second corner was to contain the remainder of his deeds, to be carved when he died, but the fall of the empire and the destruction of Ḫattuša prevented this.

Temple 2: Large temple located in the south. Stamped bullae of Šuppiluliuma II found here.

Temple 3: Large temple located in the south near Temple 2. Stamped bullae of Kurunta found here (some have also been found in Nişantepe).

Temple 5: Part of a large complex next to the King's Gate. It appears to be the personal chapel of the king, since it is divided into two sections, one of which looks like a temple and one of which looks like a palace. Outside of the temple there is an open space surrounded by a temenos wall. In this yard are three structures, one of which contained an image of a Tudḫaliya. Neve believes that these structures were chapels to the deceased ancestors of Tudḫaliya IV: Ḫattušili III, Muršili II, and Tudḫaliya IV.

Temple 30: A large structure near the Lion Gate. When Kurunta destroyed the Upper City this temple was also destroyed. It was not rebuilt. Rather it became a secular area within the Upper City.

Cult Inventory Texts: Tudḫaliya was responsible for taking a census of Hittite cults throughout Ḫatti. Many reports on local temples were sent to Tudḫaliya, several of which have been found. He seems to have generally enriched these cults, perhaps considerably in some cases. It is possible that, in the process, he imposed a standardization of the cult on these temples. See, for instance, Charles Carter, Hittite Cult-Inventories, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1962. It is not known how this may tie in with his extensive construction projects at Ḫattuša.

Yazilikaya: Apparently the king responsible for the rock relief procession of dieties at the natural rock outcropping to the northeast of Boğazkale at Yazilikaya. Its Hurrian connection is strong, in that in the Main Chamber it separates the gods on one side of the hall from the goddesses on the other side (The Hittites listed them in male-female pairs) and uses Hurrian names for the deities. The Side Chamber is apparently where Tudḫaliya's cremated remains were stored in a niche carved into the west wall. The entire complex appears to have become the mortuary complex of Tudḫaliya IV. A road led to it from Ḫattuša.

Foreign Relations

Mycenean Late Helladic pottery sherd found at Miletus, but depicting a horned hat typical of Hittite deities. (Weickert, C., Ist. Mitt. 9/10 pl. 72.1)

Aḫḫiyawa: Causing problems. Tudḫaliya's annals refer to the king of Aḫḫiyawa as an enemy. Aḫḫiyawa probably claimed the status of Great Kingship (Treaty with Amurru, List of Great Kingships with the name of Aḫḫiyawa erased.). The collection of lapis lazuli seals found at Thebes in Greece (One of which was a Hittite style seal) probably is related to Assyria (Tukulti-Ninurta I) trying to establish friendly relations with another country (Aḫḫiyawa) which was at war with Ḫatti. The collection probably reached Thebes sometime between 1225 (The defeat of Kaštiliaš IV of Babylon by Tukulti-Ninurta IV) and 1220 (The probable date of the destruction of Thebes). It might specifically be related to an attempt to break the trade barrier between Aḫḫiyawa and Assyria established in the Amurru treaty. See Edith Porada, AfO 28 (1981/1982) 68-70.

Alašiya: Tudḫaliya conquered it. It was the major source of copper for the Near East, had become a trade hub between East and West, and its rising political significance made it dangerous to Hittite interests. See Güterbock, JNES 26 (1967), 73-81.

Arzawa: A festival text indicates that Tudḫaliya regularly hunted in Arzawa, so at least part of Arzawa belonged to the Hittites. See McMahon (1991) pg. 130f. (Books of SRT).